Connect with us

Economy

OECD highlights temporary labor migration: Almost as many guestworkers as permanent immigrants

Published

on


The 2019 edition of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s (OECD) annual International Migration Outlook report included a new chapter, “Capturing the ephemeral: How much labour do temporary migrants contribute in OECD countries?” It’s a good question, and one that had not yet been answered.

There is a dearth of data on temporary labor migration programs (TLMP) or schemes—aka guestworker programs, where migrants are employed temporarily in a country outside their own—and it hinders the ability of policymakers to make informed decisions. The OECD declared TLMPs are “a core concern in the public debate across OECD countries” but warns that their impacts are “understudied.” This information deficit exists despite the fact that TLMPs are controversial and make up an increasing share of labor migration, and in the United States in particular have been at the center of debates about how to reform the U.S. immigration system.

Why are TLMPs controversial and at the center of public debates? First, their size. One of OECD’s key findings is that the 4.9 million temporary labor migrants that entered OECD countries in 2017 is “almost as many… as permanent migrants in all categories combined.” Ignoring temporary labor migration in the OECD means ignoring nearly half of all migration.

Many employers want larger TLMPs and fewer regulations governing their use. But there are high economic, social, and psychological costs for the migrant workers who participate in temporary programs, including frequent human rights violations suffered in both countries of origin and destination. Further, some abuses that are technically legal are facilitated by the legal frameworks of TLMPs. In most TLMPs, employers control the visa status of their temporary migrant employees or “guestworkers”—which means getting fired makes them deportable. In part, that’s why TLMPs have been called things like “The New American Slavery.”

TLMPs raise technical issues that are not easily resolved. For example: Which industries are permitted to hire migrant workers? How will appropriate numerical limits in TLMPs be determined? What rights will migrants have once they’ve been admitted into receiving country labor markets? Can they bring their families? Will migrants be tied to one employer or be allowed to change jobs and employers? How will receiving country governments ensure that migrants return after their employment contracts end, or will migrants be allowed to become permanent residents? Do citizens in receiving countries have first preference for jobs that employers want to fill with migrants? Will migrants be paid the same wages as similarly situated local workers?

Answers to these questions require honest discussions about the trade-offs that are inherent in migration policymaking, including whether labor migration is an appropriate response to employer claims of labor shortages. (Raising wages or increasing training may be a better response in many cases.) But these questions are particularly difficult—if not impossible—to answer satisfactorily without reliable data for evidence-based policy making.

The United States illustrates the problem of trying to make policy without reliable data. Comprehensive immigration reform bills adopted by the Senate in 2006 and 2013 were based on a “three-legged stool” of more enforcement, legalization for unauthorized immigrants, and more temporary labor migration. Thinking about the future impacts of temporary labor migration required analysis about existing TLMPs and predictions based on that analysis. But U.S. government-collected data on temporary work visas are inadequate, generally of poor quality, recorded in an inconsistent manner across federal agencies, and the most useful data are not published regularly or systematically. The result was a lack of reliable estimates and assumptions—instead, policymakers and the public had only claims made by advocates and employers to rely on.

The OECD “aims at closing” research gaps on labor migration “by providing the first estimates of the total employed temporary migrant population in full-year equivalent for 20 OECD countries.” This is an especially useful finding, since the United States government has no official corresponding estimate of the number of temporary migrants employed in the labor market. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) estimates what it refers to as the “resident nonimmigrant population”—temporary migrant workers are issued “nonimmigrant” visas that authorize employment—but it does not estimate how many nonimmigrants were employed in the U.S. labor market or calculate the number of full-time equivalent (FTE) jobs, nor does it provide numerical estimates by individual TLMP or visa classification.

OECD includes in their estimates “all categories of temporary migrants who may participate in the host country labour market” such as “international students, cultural exchange programme participants, service providers such as [European Union/ European Free Trade Association-]posted workers, as well as cross-border workers.” There are hundreds of thousands of temporary labor migrants in the United States, and many more around the world, who are employed despite the fact that their visas are ostensibly for other purposes, like attending university or participating in a trainee or cultural exchange program. But while DHS’s provides a population estimate for international students and cultural exchange visitors, it does not provide an estimate on how many of each group were employed.

Before the OECD’s report, previous EPI research estimated that there were 1.4 million nonimmigrants employed in the United States during some portion of 2013, accounting for approximately 1% of the labor force. The OECD found 1.6 million FTE jobs filled by temporary labor migrants in the United States in 2017, accounting for 1.04% of the labor force.

OECD reported that 1.8 million temporary residence visas were issued in the United States in 2017, accounting for a third of all temporary residence visas issued across all 20 OECD countries. Next on the list were Australia, Japan, Canada, New Zealand, France, and South Korea. While most of the visas counted in this estimate permit employment, not all of them do, and across the OECD, one-quarter of the visas issued were renewals rather than newly issued visas. OECD also found that in the United States, less than half of temporary visas were issued to migrants in traditional TLMPs; over 20% went to accompanying family members, one-quarter to international students, and 6% to exchange visitors.

The OECD charted the distribution of the maximum allowed duration of stay of temporary visa holders, finding that 14.5% allowed a stay of over five years and 13.7% had no maximum duration, while just over one-fifth allowed a stay of 13–24 months and one-third allowed a stay of two to five years. Only 12.1% authorized a stay of less than 12 months.

These findings raise questions about what “temporary” means and whether the jobs migrant workers fill are truly temporary: If nearly nine in 10 temporary visas authorize a stay longer than one year, are migrants really filling temporary jobs? Can a job that lasts more than one year be considered temporary? Many of these jobs may be permanent jobs that have been misclassified as temporary—perhaps because employers prefer precarious workers over whom they can exert more control if they hold job-contingent temporary visas. Shouldn’t governments instead consider issuing permanent immigrant visas that lead to citizenship for migrants who are filling de facto permanent jobs?

The OECD has spotlighted an important gap in migration research—one we have tried to call attention to in the past—that leads to important questions about the current trend in labor migration governance toward more temporary workers instead of permanent immigrants who have equal rights in destination countries. We hope that the OECD’s new findings revealing the importance and size of temporary labor migration will spur improved data collection by governments and more research on TLMPs.



Source link

قالب وردپرس

Economy

Campos: The Trump Delusion—Noted

Published

on


Paul Campos: The Trump Delusion https://www.lawyersgunsmoneyblog.com/2020/06/the-trump-delusion: ‘How is it that, despite everything, 40% of America continues to support Donald Trump? I’ve suggested that Trump’s supporters can be sorted into a few broad categories, with many of those supporters belonging to more than one of these groups: White nationalists…. Alienated burn it all down anti-establishment types…. Upper class Republicans who want big tax cut…. Religious conservatives, overwhelmingly white evangelicals…. Low information voters who always vote Republican out of tribal habit. These people have the most fantastical ideas about Trump, such as for example that he’s a “successful businessman,” rather than a “politician,” which is why he manages to “get things done.” This last group in particular includes a lot of overlap with the more cultish strain of religious conservatives…. Relatively few people are capable of maintaining a genuine lesser of two evils attitude toward the leader of an essentially charismatic—to use Weber’s typology—political movement. Almost everyone in the movement must eventually embrace the delusion that the leader is actually a good person, despite all evidence to the contrary. For example, the following message has gone viral on social media over the last few days. The text is headed by the photo at the top of this post:

Anonymous: 'Let’s look at this man for one damn second!!!! A 74-year-old man is coming back home from work at 2 AM while most men his age are retired in their vacation homes. He comes back after a long day that probably started before the sun rose and gets back home exhausted with his tie open and hat in his hand, feeling that an accomplished day is finally over…

…This amazing man is in the age range of many people’s grandfathers, great grandfathers, or my grandfather when he passed away, but this man just came back home from work, for me, for you. This man left his massive gold-covered mansion where he could retire happily and play golf all day long. But this man put his wealth aside and went to work for free, for $1 a year, for me, for you, for us, for AMERICA.

While other presidents became rich from the presidency, this man LOST over 2 billion dollars of his wealth during this short 4 years of his life. He put aside his amazing retirement lifestyle for getting ambushed every single day by the media and the Radical Left Democrats that trash this man who works for them until 1 AM for free!

No, he doesn’t do it for money or power, he already had it. He is doing it so their houses will be safe, so their schools will get better, so they will be able to find jobs or start a new business easier, so they will be able to keep few dollars in their pockets at the end of the month.

Look at this picture again, that man is at the age of your fathers, grandfathers or maybe YOU! Where is your respect? Honor? Appreciation? Are you THAT BLIND? THAT BLIND to not see a thing this man is doing for you and for your family? THAT BLIND that after all his work for minority groups in America you keep calling him a racist? I am the son of an Auschwitz Survivor and someone who lost 99% of my family to the camps and ovens of Nazi Germany. And I’m no fool! DONALD TRUMP IS NO RACIST OR ANTI-SEMITE!

Are you THAT BLIND to not see how much this country developed in last 4 years? President Donald J. Trump, I want to thank you with all my heart. I am so sorry for blind hatred you have been made to endure. You are a good and generous man. I KNOW THIS.

What I don’t know and think about often is what kind of people is it who can be so hateful in their hearts to spew such hate and evilness, not just at you but at your family too? Or people mocking and making jokes of you because you’re not a professional politician groomed in speech making and straight faced lying. Or how about them attacking your wife and young son? How awful that must make you feel.

People are sure they have not been manipulated. People believe their hatred is their own. But for why, they can’t articulate. What kind of people are these? WHAT KIND OF PEOPLE ARE THESE?? People not realizing they have been manipulated and brainwashed by such a deep-rooted EVILNESS MOTIVATED BY AN EVIL MEDIA AND DEMOCRAT PARTY. The American People are in a bad place right now….in their hearts and souls. God help us…Trump is not the problem.

This level of frankly delusional thinking is, I believe, far more common than either an enthusiastic embrace of anyone resembling the actual Donald Trump, or the sort of arms-length transactional support of people who recognize him for what he is, but have concluded that Paris is worth a mass.

Which is a fancy way of saying that a lot of his supporters are, at this point, basically insane.

…Meanwhile:

Aaron Rupar: 'This morning, Trump retweeted a QAnon account, thanked supporters of his who were filmed yelling “white power,” and issued a misleading non-denial of a story about him turning a blind eye while Russia offered bounties for US troops. All before 9 am…

.#noted #2020-07-10



Source link

قالب وردپرس

Continue Reading

Economy

Dorothy Theresa Sawchak Mankiw

Published

on


Above is a picture of my mother as a young woman. I would like to tell you about her.

My mother was born on July 18, 1927, the second child of Nicholas and Catherine Sawchak.

Nicholas and Catherine were immigrants from Ukraine. They came to the United States as teenagers, arriving separately, neither with more than a fourth-grade education. Catherine was from a farming area in western Ukraine. She left because her family wanted her to marry an older man rather than her younger boyfriend, who had been conscripted into the army. Her first job here was as a maid. Nicholas was from Kiev, where he had been trained to be a furrier. In the United States, he worked as a potter, making sinks and toilettes. When Nicholas and Catherine came to the United States, they thought they might return home to Ukraine eventually. But World War I and the Russian Revolution intervened, causing a change of plans. Catherine’s boyfriend died in the war. Nicholas and Catherine met each other, married, and settled in a small row house in Trenton, New Jersey, where they lived the rest of their lives.

Catherine and Nicholas had two children, my uncle Walter and my mother Dorothy. When my mother was born, her parents chose to name her “Dorothy Theresa Sawchak.” But because Catherine spoke with a heavy accent, the clerk preparing the birth certificate did not understand her. So officially, my mother’s middle name was “Tessie” rather than “Theresa.” She never bothered to change it.

Nicholas and Catherine were hardworking and frugal. They saved enough to send Walter to college and medical school. He served as a physician in the army during the Korean war. Once I asked him if he worked at a MASH unit, like in the TV show. He said no, he worked closer to the front. He patched up the wounded soldiers the best he could and then sent them to a MASH unit to recover and receive more treatment. After the war, he became a pathologist in a Trenton-area hospital. He married and had two daughters, my cousins.

My mother attended Trenton High School (the same high school, I learned years later, attended by the economist Robert Solow at about the same time). She danced ballet. She water-skied on the Delaware River. She loved to read and go to the movies.

In part because of limited resources and in part because of the gender bias of the time, my mother was not given the chance to go to college. Years later, her parents would say that not giving her that opportunity was one of their great regrets. Instead, my mother learned to be a hairdresser. She was also pressured to marry the son of some family friends.

The marriage did not work. With my mother pregnant, her new husband started “running around,” my mother’s euphemism for infidelity. They divorced, and she kicked him out of her life. But the marriage did leave her with one blessing—my sister Peg.

My mother continued life as a single mother. Some years later, she met my father, also named Nicholas, through social functions run by local Ukrainian churches. They both loved to dance. He wanted to marry her, but having been burned once, she was reluctant at first. Only when she realized that he had become her best friend did she finally accept.

In 1958, nine months after I was born, Mom, Dad, Peg, and I left Trenton for a newly built split-level house in Cranford, New Jersey. My father was working for Western Electric, an arm of AT&T, first as a draftsman and then as an electrical engineer. He worked there until his retirement. One of his specialties was battery design. When I was growing up, I thought it sounded incredibly boring. Now I realize how important it is.

My mother then stopped working as a hairdresser to become a full-time mom. But she kept all the hairdresser equipment from her shop—chair, mirrors, scissors, razors, and so on—in our basement. She would cut the hair of her friends on a part-time basis. When I was a small boy, she cut my hair as well.

I attended the Brookside School, the public grade school which was a short walk from our house. When I was in the second or third grade, my mother was called in to see the teacher. The class had been given some standardized aptitude test. “Greg did well,” the teacher said. “We were very surprised.”

At that moment, my mother decided the school was not working out for me. I was talkative and inquisitive at home but shy and lackluster at school. I needed a change.

She started looking around for the best school she could find for me. She decided it was The Pingry School, an independent day school about a dozen miles from our house. She had me apply, and I was accepted.

The question then became, how to pay for it? Pingry was expensive, and we did not have a lot of extra money. My mother decided that she needed to return to work.

She started looking for a job, and an extraordinary opportunity presented itself. Union County, where we lived, was opening a public vocational school, and they were looking for teachers. She applied to be the cosmetology teacher and was hired.

There was, however, a glitch. The teachers, even though teaching trades like hairdressing, needed teacher certification. That required a certain number of college courses, and my mother had not taken any. So she got a temporary reprieve from the requirement. While teaching at the vocational school during the day, she started taking college courses at night to earn her certification, all while raising two children.

My mother taught at the vocational school until her retirement. During that time, she also co-authored a couple of books, called Beauty Culture I and II, which were teacher’s guides. From the summary of the first volume: “The syllabus is divided into six sections and includes the following areas of instruction: shop, school, and the cosmetologist; sterilization practices in the beauty salon; scalp and hair applications and shampooing; hair styling; manicuring; and hairpressing and iron curling.” I suppose one might view this project as a harbinger of my career as a textbook author.

When my parents both retired, they were still the best of friends. They traveled together, exploring the world in ways that were impossible when they were younger and poorer. During my third year as an economics professor, I was visiting the LSE for about a month. I encouraged my parents to come over to London for a week or so. They had a grand time. I believe it was the first time they had ever visited Europe. When I was growing up, vacations were usually at the Jersey shore.

My father died a few years later. My mother spent the next three decades living alone. She was then living full-time at the Jersey shore in Brant Beach on Long Beach Island. The house was close to the ocean and large enough to encourage her growing family to come for extended visits. Two children, five grandchildren, four great-grandchildren. The more, the merrier. Nothing made her happier than being surrounded by family.

My mother loved to cook, especially the Ukrainian dishes she learned in her childhood. Holubtsi (stuffed cabbage) was a specialty. Another was kapusta (cabbage) soup. One time, the local newspaper offered to publish her kapusta soup recipe. They did so, but with an error. Every seasoning that was supposed to be measured in teaspoons was printed as tablespoons. The paper later ran a correction but probably to no avail. I am not sure if anyone ever tried the misprinted recipe and, if so, to what end.

During her free time in her later years, my mother read extensively, played FreeCell on her computer, and watched TV. A few years ago, when she was about 90 years old, I was visiting her, and I happened to mention the show “Breaking Bad.” She had not heard of it. She suggested we watch the first episode. And then another. And another. After I left, she binge-watched all five seasons.

As she aged, living alone became harder. When she had trouble going up and down the stairs, an elevator was added to her house. But slowly her balance faltered, and she fell several times. She started having small strokes, and then a more significant one. She moved into a nursing home. Whenever I visited, I brought her new books to read. Her love of reading never diminished.

This is, I am afraid, where the story ends. Last week, Dorothy Theresa Sawchak Mankiw tested positive for Covid-19. Yesterday, she died. I will miss her.



Source link

قالب وردپرس

Continue Reading

Economy

Quotation of the Day…

Published

on


… is from page 373 of Matt Ridley’s marvelous new (2020) book, How Innovation Works: And Why It Flourishes in Freedom; it’s the first line of the book’s final paragraph:

Innovation is the child of freedom and the parent of prosperity.

DBx: Innovation cannot be planned. Further, innovation necessarily disrupts plans.

If existing plans are many and competing, adjusted to each other with market prices reflecting resource scarcities and consumer preferences, innovation in one part of the economy ripples through causing changes in prices. The feasibility of some plans is enhanced while other plans must be significantly altered or even abandoned. But because there is no overall plan for the economy, there is no need for an overhaul of one giant plan.

Importantly, no one in a free market has the right to prevent innovation simply because some particular innovation will disrupt his or her plan.

To the extent that government imposes a plan on the economy or any significant sector of it, government’s tendency will be to stifle innovation. Government officials, after all, are no more able to foresee the details of the future than are we ordinary mortals. And so innovation will disrupt their plan.

An advocate of government planning can easily say that government would respond to innovation just as do entrepreneurs and consumers in the private market – namely, by changing its plan. But unlike private-market actors, government officials have the power to coercively prevent innovation or to suppress its introduction. In this way, government officials categorically differ from private-market actors, who have no such power (except when government acts on their behalf).

If government officials respond to innovation in much the same way as do private-market actors, the government’s plan doesn’t serve the purpose that it is meant to serve. The whole idea of industrial policy is to use government power to override market forces in the determination of patterns of production and consumption.

Advocates of planning can continue saying things – saying that government officials will accommodate innovations that further the purpose of the plan and will reject only those innovations that are likely to obstruct fulfillment the plan’s purposes. Saying such things is easy for word peddlers who imagine and write eloquently about what god-like creatures might do with other people’s money and property.

But an economy in which innovation plays a role is by nature open-ended. Its future cannot be foreseen in any detail. There is simply no way for government officials to know that innovation X will disrupt the government’s plan and that innovation Y will not. Remember: industrial-policy advocates regard as a feature, not a bug, of such government planning that it ultimately can and will override the information conveyed by market prices.

Able to spend other people’s money, government officials are simply too likely to reject innovations that threaten to disrupt their plans. Government officials are not entrepreneurs skilled at satisfying voluntarily expressed demands; they are politicians and commissars skilled at, in the case of politicians, winning elections, and in the case of bureaucrats, following orders. And in both cases these officials are in the habit of telling other people what to do rather than, as is the habit of entrepreneurs, asking other people what they want.

The post Quotation of the Day… appeared first on Cafe Hayek.



Source link

قالب وردپرس

Continue Reading

Trending